霍梅尼敲响了波斯帝国最后的丧钟：1979年伊朗伊斯兰革命全景纪实

As of 1953, Mohammed Reza Pahlavi, the king of Iran's Pahlavi dynasty, had taken full control of the country at the young age of 34. In the midst of the US-USSR power struggle, Iran, backed by the Soviet Union, made the wise decision to align itself with the United States and form a political and military alliance. With the assurance of security from the US and an abundance of oil resources, the a

mbitious young king had high hopes of achieving great things and began comprehensive reforms to transform Iran from a medieval, underdeveloped country into a modern, strong nation.However, while the king's goals were admirable, his execution left much to be desired. For example, his plans to implement land reform involved confiscating excess land from landlords and distributing it equally among

the farmers. On the surface, this seemed like a fair and just plan, but in reality, landlords were responsible for managing the land and farmers only needed to contribute physical labor. After the redistribution, farmers were left to deal with all aspects of farming, including obtaining seeds, fertilizers, irrigation, and finding buyers for their crops. Additionally, they were burdened with taxes

and levies, which made their lives even more difficult and harder than when they worked for landlords. Moreover, King Pahlavi's plans for modernization were based on one premise: modernization had to be under his control. He adopted American approaches in all aspects except for politics, in which he modeled himself after Emperor Cyrus the Great. As a result, the king was unable to tackle Iran's

most pressing issue - government corruption. The Pahlavi family itself was notorious for embezzlement, plundering the country's wealth and filling their own pockets. All levels of government officials were complicit, creating a vast spider web of corruption, and ordinary citizens were left with little benefit from the "White Revolution" that the king had initiated.Another issue facing Iran was t

he overwhelming influence of Western culture, which had completely transformed Iranian cities. The king's plans for modernization were heavily influenced by the West, with even traditional Iranian dress and customs being replaced with Western counterparts. This cultural invasion further eroded Iran's national identity and caused resentment among the Iranian people.In conclusion, King Pahlavi had

the best intentions for Iran's future but his methods were flawed and ultimately led to the downfall of his dynasty. His land reform plan was poorly executed, and his modernization plan was too heavily influenced by the West, causing significant cultural upheaval. Most importantly, his inability to tackle government corruption undermined any progress that Iran had made towards modernization, leav

ing the country in a worse state than before.在伊朗的大城市德黑兰，西式打扮的人群随处可见，甚至连穆斯林最忌讳的酒吧也在城市中到处可见。这种西方文化的渗透，让许多普通的伊朗人感到愤怒和不满，他们认为这是对传统价值观的严重亵渎。然而，在巴列维国王的统治下，伊朗的现代化进程却在不断推进。巴列维国王非常注重提高妇女的地位，他赋予妇女选举权，并提出要保障她们的受教育权利。这些举措在当时的伊朗社会引起了巨大的变革。然而，伊朗作为一个宗教国家，许多人对这种现代化的变化感到愤怒和不满。他们看到现代女性披头散发地在大街上行走，看到城里人在酒店里嘻嘻哈哈地喝酒跳舞，觉得这是对传统价值观的严重侮辱。巴列维国王试图让伊朗摆脱伊斯兰教的束缚，他热衷于鼓吹波斯帝国的辉煌历史，甚至以波斯历法取代了伊斯兰历。这些举措激怒了宗教界人士，他们认为这是对伊斯兰教的背叛。

然而，正是在这种背景下，霍梅尼作为一个年逾花甲的伊斯兰教士站了出来，公开地对国王进行了指名道姓的抨击。他的出现成为了伊朗历史上的重要转折点。霍梅尼出生于1902年，成长在一个伊斯兰教士家庭。作为什叶派穆斯林国家，伊朗拥有自己的神学教育体系，其中包括严格的等级制度。在伊斯兰教士的等级中，最普通的是毛拉，任何人都可以成为毛拉。然而，要想进一步爬升等级，就要看个人的运气和努力。乌拉马、穆智台希德和阿亚图拉分别是神学教育的第二、第三和第四个等级，阿亚图拉是最高等级。全国大约有一百多个阿亚图拉存在，其中只有几个人能获得“大阿亚图拉”的荣誉称号。这个头衔相当于我们熟悉的博士或硕士学位，具有非常高的声望和影响力。作为当时的大阿亚图拉之一，霍梅尼拥有极高的声望和影响力。他站出来反对巴列维国王的现代化政策，呼吁恢复伊斯兰传统价值观，得到了大量信徒的支持。

他的影响力逐渐扩大，成为伊朗历史上最重要的宗教领袖之一。通过重新构建文章的全文结构，我们可以更深入地理解和分析伊朗历史上的重要事件。巴列维国王的现代化政策引起了社会的分歧和不满，而霍梅尼的反对声音成为了伊斯兰教传统价值观的代言人。这些事件不仅改变了伊朗的政治格局，也揭示了伊朗社会在现代化进程中所面临的挑战和冲突。

He received orthodox Islamic education since childhood and went to the holy city of Qom in Iran at the age of 19 to study with a master. He had been studying Islamic theology diligently for over forty years, becoming a renowned Ayatollah and one of the most influential figures in the country. On June 3, 1963, Khomeini gave a speech in a seminary strongly criticizing the Iranian King Pahlavi, compa

ring him to the infamous Arab tyrant Yazid I of the 7th century. When Pahlavi heard about this, he was furious and thought: "Who do you think you are, an old white-bearded man Afraid of me I have guns and power!" He immediately ordered the arrest of Khomeini. However, on June 8, unrest broke out in Qom, which quickly spread to many cities, including Tehran. Demonstrators stormed government offices

, smashed shops, set fires everywhere, and even beat unveiled women to death. Pahlavi sent out troops and used force to suppress the riots, which lasted several days before the situation was under control. Pahlavi had to release Khomeini, but kept him under close surveillance. After Khomeini was released from prison, he would still criticize Pahlavi whenever he had the chance. One day in 1964, Pah

lavi's Prime Minister Mansour personally met with Khomeini, urging him to change his ways and not to oppose the King anymore. Khomeini refused point-blank, and Mansour slapped him across the face in anger. Two weeks later, Mansour was assassinated by some Muslim extremists who idolized Khomeini. Pahlavi was at a loss as to what to do, but he came up with a solution. On November 4, 1964, he sent a

team of soldiers to kidnap Khomeini and put him on a plane. Then the plane flew out of Iranian airspace and Pahlavi expelled Khomeini. Khomeini was first sent to Turkey, then to Iraq, another Shiite country that was willing to shelter him. Khomeini settled in the holy city of Najaf in Iraq and continued to study his Islamic theology until 1979. The story of Khomeini's exile is a remarkable part

of his life. It shows his unwavering commitment to his beliefs and his willingness to suffer for them. While he was in exile, Khomeini did not give up on his pursuit of Islamic knowledge and continued to spread his teachings to his followers. The events leading up to his exile also reveal the tense political climate in Iran at that time and the deep-seated animosity between Khomeini and Pahlavi. K

homeini's criticisms of Pahlavi were not unfounded, as Pahlavi's regime was notorious for its authoritarianism and repression of political dissent. However, Pahlavi's decision to exile Khomeini was a strategic move that backfired in the end, as Khomeini's influence continued to grow even in exile. Moreover, the assassination of Mansour highlights the dangerous extremism that existed within Khome

ini's supporters. While Khomeini himself did not condone violence, some of his followers were willing to go to extreme lengths to defend their beliefs. This underscores the complex and often violent history of Shia Islam, which has frequently been pided by sectarianism and political strife. In conclusion, Khomeini's exile was a crucial moment in his life and in the history of Iran. It demonstr

ates his resilience and determination in the face of adversity, and his unwavering devotion to his religious beliefs. It also sheds light on the political and social climate in Iran at that time and the complex dynamics of Shia Islam. Khomeini's eventual return to Iran in 1979 and the subsequent Islamic Revolution marked a turning point in Iranian history, which continues to shape the country's po

litics and culture to this day.在霍梅尼被赶走后，巴列维国王借助这个机会，全力推行他的“白色革命”，试图让伊朗成为一个现代化国家。然而，他的所做所为却并未让普通民众得到实惠，反而有权有势的人大发横财。据国际劳工组织的数据显示，七十年代中期，伊朗是当时世界上基尼系数最高的国家之一。尽管如此，巴列维国王仍然一门心思地朝着实现他的梦想前进。1971年，他组织了所谓的“波斯帝国建立2500周年庆典”。为了让国王挣面子，这次庆典在豪华程度上极尽铺张浪费，邀请了来自世界各国的上千位嘉宾，花费如流水。据悉，当时提供给嘉宾们的糕点都是从法国订购，用专机运回伊朗的，这些花费耗费数十万美元。然而，与此同时，伊朗的普通民众特别是在农村，还有很多人衣食无着，度日维艰。庆典的这种铺张浪费的行为很快引起了伊朗民众的憎恨，这也充分地显示了巴列维国王好大喜功、讲究排场的性格。

事实上，在1973年第四次中东战争爆发后，世界石油危机也随之而来，石油价格暴涨，这对于伊朗来说本应是一个好消息。但是，巴列维国王却被这个良好形势冲昏了头脑，完全抛开经济规律，大干快上，将基建摊子铺得过大，结果引起了严重的经济过热与通货膨胀。伊朗市场的物价开始飞涨，老百姓对此叫苦连天。为了对付涨价，巴列维国王又是胡搞一气。他组建了“市场巡察队”，试图控制物价，打击各种囤积居奇行为。然而，这些市场巡察队却不敢去碰像巴列维家族那样真正操控物价、损公肥私的大老虎，只是拿着小商小贩和小业主开刀。由此导致市场上鸡飞狗跳、混乱不堪，老百姓的日子反而更加难过了。巴列维国王这些荒唐行为也引起了伊朗百姓的怨声载道，很多人都开始要求他下台。然而，伊朗的政治和经济矛盾并未因此而得到缓解。相反，暴力事件愈演愈烈，民众越来越不满意巴列维国王的统治。

1978年9月，伊朗各地爆发了大规模的示威游行活动，人数之多、规模之大前所未有。穆斯林神学家霍梅尼的支持者们也在其中。示威游行中的许多人被警察开枪打死，这进一步激起了民众对巴列维政府的愤怒。霍梅尼在流亡中，通过广播电台和录音带等媒介，对巴列维政府进行了尖锐的批评。他呼吁民众联合起来，推翻巴列维政府。他的呼声引起了广泛的共鸣，人们开始在伊朗各地组织反对巴列维政府的游行和罢工。最终，在1979年2月11日，伊朗革命爆发，巴列维政府被推翻，霍梅尼回国并成为伊朗的最高领袖。伊朗革命的胜利，标志着伊朗的政治、经济和社会结构发生了根本性的改变。新的伊斯兰共和国成立后，伊朗开始走上了一条与西方国家不同的发展道路。逐渐地，伊朗成为了伊斯兰世界的一个强国，成为了中东地区的重要力量。在伊朗，人们按照传统习俗在死者死亡后四十天举行悼念仪式。

因此，在圣城库姆死难者去世四十天后的2月18日，全国各地出现了为他们致哀的游行活动。然而，这些游行很快演变成了暴力冲突，造成更多的死伤。这一事件引发了更大规模的抗议，于是在四十天后的3月29日再次发生了暴力冲突，造成更多人伤亡。面对局势的不断恶化，伊朗国王巴列维取消了原本计划的对外访问，全力控制局面。与此同时，他开始做出一些让步，这是所有由美国支持的独裁者的共同弱点之一：他们不够狠。当然，并不是说这些独裁者都是宅心仁厚、本性善良之辈，而是因为美国在与民众对抗时总是拖后腿，让他们不敢放开手脚大干。就以巴列维为例，美国总统吉米·卡特在竞选总统期间公开抨击他，声称要采取措施帮助伊朗改善人权。卡特上台后，更是多次对巴列维表示关切，呼吁和平对话。美国国会议员们甚至公开指责巴列维，有人要求对他进行制裁。在美国的压力下，巴列维不得不对民众做出让步。

他取消了备受民众诟病的“市场巡察队”，并将扣押的商品归还给商人们。同时，他还释放了大批被捕的示威者，撤销了秘密警察“萨瓦克”头目的职务。最后，他承诺将举行完全开放的自由选举。国王的这些让步短暂地平息了伊朗的动荡局势。巴列维暂时松了一口气，但很快又展现出他真实的本性，开始追求奢华豪华的生活。巴列维的母亲正好在8月份过生日，于是他开始大肆庆祝，这激起了普通民众的愤怒。然而，命运如同一场残酷的游戏，8月19日，阿巴丹的一家电影院发生了大火。正在观看电影的观众们来不及逃脱，有477人在这场灾难中丧生。这场悲剧再次加剧了民众对巴列维政权的不满和愤怒。伊朗陷入了一系列无法遏制的骚乱中。保守的穆斯林人士常常批评电影院播放“伤风败俗”的电影。在之前的骚乱中，电影院遭到破坏的情况时有发生。然而，这次发生在阿巴丹的灾难实际上是由几个极端穆斯林人士引起的。

然而，霍梅尼在伊拉克发表了让人震惊的言论：“这是国王手下的萨瓦克们所为！”霍梅尼的声音已经具备了无可动摇的权威，他一说是国王所为，大家就相信是国王所为。于是，“轰”的一声，整个伊朗犹如爆炸一般，新一轮的大规模骚乱开始了。9月4日是开斋节，在这一天，德黑兰的街头涌现出超过50万人的大游行。群众开始高喊口号，要求帕拉维下台，同时支持霍梅尼。9月8日，示威人群与军队发生激烈冲突，军队动用武器进行镇压，导致数百人倒在血泊中。9月9日，德黑兰炼油厂的工人开始罢工。罢工浪潮很快席卷全国，到9月18日，甚至连伊朗中央银行的工作人员也加入了罢工行列。伊拉克当局答应了帕拉维的要求，霍梅尼被迫离开伊拉克，前往法国巴黎。这一事实证明，帕拉维走了一步大错棋。当霍梅尼还在伊拉克时，帕拉维可以通过政治交易迫使伊拉克当局控制霍梅尼，阻止他的声音传播到伊朗。然而，现在霍梅尼去了法国，情况就不同了。

在法国，霍梅尼完全自由，不受任何限制，他无论说什么都不受限制，他对伊朗国内局势的影响力变得更大。帕拉维看到形势不妙，不得不改变态度，试图与霍梅尼合作。他公开表示希望霍梅尼回国，与他共同讨论如何治理国家。然而，霍梅尼的态度非常坚决，他表示只要国王不离开伊朗，他不会回国。到了12月，伊朗的抗议浪潮声势日益浩大。在12月10日的阿舒拉节，整个伊朗约有500万人上街抗议，大家齐声高呼，要求帕拉维下台。这时，帕拉维所依赖的武装力量也出现了问题。根据数据显示，1978年伊朗全国范围内发生了近百起罢工事件，造成了经济严重动荡。而在1979年，伊朗的罢工浪潮进一步加剧，甚至连石油行业也受到了严重影响。据估计，当年的罢工行动造成伊朗石油产量下降了70%以上，严重打击了伊朗经济。此外，伊朗的军队和警察部队在骚乱中的镇压行动引起了国际社会的关注和谴责。

根据联合国的报告，1978年到1979年期间，伊朗的镇压行动造成了至少3000人死亡，数千人受伤。这些暴力行动进一步加剧了民众对帕拉维政权的不满和抗议情绪。总的来说，伊朗在1978年至1979年的骚乱中陷入了混乱和动荡。穆斯林保守派对于电影和文化的抨击引发了民众的不满情绪，而霍梅尼的声音则进一步激发了人们对帕拉维政权的抗议。罢工浪潮和示威活动削弱了帕拉维政权的控制力量，最终导致了霍梅尼的回归和帕拉维政权的垮台。这一时期的伊朗骚乱造成了严重的社会动荡和政治不稳定，对伊朗的经济和国际形象产生了长期的影响。伊朗的伊斯兰革命是一场历史性的变革，它不仅影响着伊朗自身的政治、社会和经济面貌，也深刻地改变了整个中东地区和世界的格局。1979年，伊朗的革命成功推翻了巴列维王朝，取而代之的是由什叶派领袖霍梅尼领导的伊斯兰共和国。

这场革命开始于1977年，而其爆发的原因则可以追溯到几十年前的伊朗政治和社会的矛盾。自从20世纪初开始，伊朗的现代化进程一直受到来自西方的干涉和影响。不同的政治力量在这个过程中展开了长期的争斗，伊朗的政治生态环境也变得极其复杂。尤其是在巴列维王朝时期，伊朗国内的政治压迫和社会不公引发了一系列的抗议和反抗。同时，西方国家的干预和支持也让伊朗的政治生态环境进一步恶化。在这种情况下，伊斯兰教开始成为了一种自我认同和反抗的符号。伊朗的年轻人开始热衷于寻找一种新的思想和信仰，这种思想和信仰可以帮助他们更好地理解自己的身份和处境。伊斯兰教的传统和文化也开始得到更多的重视和关注。这种情况下，霍梅尼成为了伊朗人民心中的一位领袖。他主张建立一个真正的伊斯兰国家，反对西方的干涉和压迫。他通过广泛的宣传和活动，让伊朗的人民对他产生了强烈的认同感和信任感。

在最终推翻巴列维王朝的过程中，霍梅尼的领导和指挥起到了至关重要的作用。然而，伊斯兰革命的胜利并没有带来民主和自由的新时代。相反，霍梅尼在掌握了政权后开始大力推行伊斯兰教的极端主义政策。他取消了女性的平等权利，禁止了摇滚乐和其他形式的文化和艺术，大力打压异见人士和政治反对派。伊朗的政治、社会和文化生态环境也逐渐变得封闭和极端。霍梅尼的伊斯兰共和国政府还在中东地区扮演着重要的角色。伊朗成为了中东地区的一个反美和反以色列的中心，支持了一系列的恐怖主义和极端主义组织。这些举动不仅导致了中东和世界的动荡和不安，也深刻地影响了伊朗自身的发展和进步。尽管霍梅尼的统治和伊朗的伊斯兰革命带来了一些新的变化和成就，但也不能否认它所带来的巨大的负面影响。它让伊朗重回中世纪，让伊朗的政治和社会生态环境变得封闭和极端，也让伊朗与其他国家和地区的关系变得更加紧张和敌对。

因此，我们应该认真反思伊斯兰革命的历史意义和影响，努力寻求一种更加开放和自由的伊朗发展道路。